​DISMISSED JUDGE WAS SENTENCED TO 7 YEARS IN JAIL

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Dismissed/arrested judge Nurettin Doğru was sentenced 7 years 1 month in jail by  Sansun 2nd Assize Court for allegedly being member of armed terrorist organisation.

He was accused of using Bylock messaging mobile application which was available on Google and Apple stores.

Court released him by considering his pre-detention period. He would be put in prison again to serve remain penalty if appeal courts uphold the conviction.

Sources:

https://www.memurlar.net/haber/722642/eski-hakime-feto-uyeliginden-hapis-cezasi.html

​AVRUPA KONSEYİ PARLEMENTERLER MECLİSİ (PACE) İLE TÜRKİYE ARASINDAKİ İLİŞKİLER, YARSAV BAŞKANINA VERİLEN ÖDÜL NEDENİYLE GERGİN

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Hukukun üstünlüğü, insan hakları ve demokrasi alanında yaşanan olumsuz gelişmeler nedeniyle tam üyesi olduğu Avrupa Konseyi (AK) ile ilişkileri son dönemde ciddi düzeyde gergin olan Türkiye artık ‘büyük donör’ (grand payeur) değil. Ankara’nın talebi doğrultusunda gerçekleşen statü değişikliğinin ardından Türkçe’nin AK’nin çalışma dili olmaktan çıkarılması gündemde.

Türkiye ile AK arasındaki ilişkiler 15 Temmuz darbe girişimi sonrasına çok gerildi. AK ve bağlı birimlerinden gelen sert eleştiriler Ankara’da ciddi rahatsızlık yarattı. Nisan 2017’de AKPM’nin “demokrasi, insan hakları ve hukukun üstünlüğü alanlarında AK üyeliğinden kaynaklanan yükümlülükler yerine getirilmediği” gerekçesiyle Türkiye’yi 2004’te çıkardığı siyasi denetim sürecine tekrar dahil etmesi ilişkilerde büyük yaraya neden oldu. Bardağı taşıran ise AKPM’nin insan haklarının savunulması alanında 2013’ten bu yana verilen Vaclav Havel Ödülü’nü, darbe girişimi sonrasında kapatılan Yargıçlar ve Savcılar Birliği’nin tutuklu eski Başkanı Murat Arslan’a vermesi oldu.

Kaynak:

www.hurriyet.com.tr/avrupa-konseyinde-ankara-parayi-kesti-turkce-tehlikede-40712273

NEWSLETTER OF IAJ: SET TURKISH JUDGES FREE

International Association of Judges (IAJ) has published its 2017 Newsletter. At the first page, Secretary General of IAJ Giocomo Oberto wrote up main events of 2017 by mentioning arrested president of YARSAV Murat Arslan and actions about Turkish Judiciary as follows:

“Dear colleagues,

2017 has been a hectic year in IAJ’s long life. Among the numerous activities which occurred during these twelve months, I would like to refer to two main events, which will crucially impact the history of our Association.

The first one, is the bestowing of the Václav Havel Prize to Murat Arslan, President and co-founder of YARSAV, who has been in detention since October the 19th, 2016. The IAJ meticulously prepared the dossier and submitted his candidature during last spring to the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, which awarded Murat the prize on the 9 th of October.

Subsequent to this, our President Christophe Régnard presented an official speech during the conference held in Prague on the 11th of October 2017 in respect to the Václav Havel prize award ceremony (see: http://www.iaj-uim.org/news/president-regnard-in-prague-for-the-vaclav-havel-price-awarded-to-murat-arslan/; President Régnard’s speech is also annexed as an enclosure to this newsletter).

In addition, numerous letters, official statements, declarations and resolutions were passed and sent to the international authorities pertaining to the situation of the judicial system in Turkey. These are all available on the official web site of the IAJ (see: http://www.iaj-uim.org/solidarity-news-and-documents-about-yarsav/).”

Newsletter also included resolution on Turkey. IAJ urges Turkey to free 1500 judges, prosecutors, lawyers; to provide fair trial; to stop blaming IAJ for supporting terrorist organisation:

Source: http://www.iaj-uim.org/news/iaj-uim-newsletter-issue-12018-available-on-our-web-site/

Court orders to release about some prominent political suspects have not been implemented in Erdogan’s Turkey

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Several release decisions have not been enforced in Turkey in recent years. Here are just four important ones:

1- 70 police officers investigating 17/25 December 2013 corruption scandal (Zarrab case) of ministers and Erdogan’s son were not released although court issued their releases. Judges Mustafa Başer and Metin Özçelik who decided to release them were dismissed/jailed on 1 May 2015. These two judges were sentenced to 10 years imprisonment on 24 Apr 2017. After July 15 controlled coup attempt, wife of Mustafa Başer, judge Rabia Başer was also arrested over the pretext of being member of armed terrorist organisation.

2- 22 journalists were rearrested after their releases over the pretex of new coup investigation. Judges of the trials were removed their posts on 15 Apr 2017.

3- Journalists Mehmet Altan and Şahin Alpay were not released although Top Court (Constitutional Court) ruled that arrests of them violated their fundamental rights on 12 Jan 2018.

Prof. Yaman Akdeniz critisized last constitutional crisis as follows:

“The Turkish Constitutional Court’s decisions on journalists Şahin Alpay & Mehmet Altan are binding on lower courts. The trial courts do NOT have the authority to consider, dismiss or reject the Constitutional Court’s decisions. They can only decide for their “immediate release”.

It is clear from the Turkish Constitutional Court’s decisions on journalists Şahin Alpay & Mehmet Altan that there is no strong or compelling evidence to detain them and their writings constitute journalistic activity within the limits of freedom of expression.

As predicted the journalists Şahin Alpay and Mehmet Altan were NOT released today despite the ruling of the Constitutional Court. Did the Court go beyond the limits set by the constitution and the laws as suggested by the Deputy Prime Minister? Absolutely not in my view.

The Istanbul 13th Criminal Assize Court rejected for the 2nd time Şahin Alpay’s release last night. It looks like the Constitutional Court’s decisions will be ignored by the trial courts. All we needed was a Constitutional crisis and we now have it.”

4- Hours after one court ordered the release of amnesty’s Turkey chair lawyer Taner Kilic after 8 months in jail, another court has decided to keep him in prison over the appeal of the prosecutor on 31 Jan 2018.

Article 93 of the Emergency Decree Law 696 gives to the prosecutor the authority to appeal against the decisions to release of the arrestee. Prior the decree, the decisions to release given by the court was final.

Sources:

1. http://www.aljazeera.com.tr/al-jazeera-ozel/polislerin-tahliye-karari-gecersiz

2. https://www.birgun.net/haber-detay/sarkici-atilla-tas-ve-11-gazeteci-yeniden-tutuklandi-155482.html

3. http://www.platform24.org/guncel/2699/altan-ve-alpay-aym-kararina-ragmen-tahliye-edilmedi

4. https://mobile.twitter.com/cyberrights/status/952195533338218496

5. https://www.evrensel.net/amp/344538/taner-kilic-yeniden-hakim-karsisinda#click=https://t.co/bZJMoXpfpt

​ARRESTED FOUR JUDGES ARE SENTENCED TO 6 & 7 YEARS IN JAIL

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11 Jan 2018

4 judges were sentenced to long term in jail by Samsun 2nd Assize Court for allegedly being members of armed terrorist organisation.

Arrested judges’ trials were seperately held in and judges joined to hearings via video conferencing from prisons in where they are kept.

They demanded their acquittal and release by denying all accusations.

Court sentenced judges Adem Y. and Muhammet P. to 7 years 5 months 3 days; Asım O. and Mehmet K. to 6 years 9 months in jail.

Court decided to continuation of arrest for Adem Y. and Muhammet P. while releasing Asım O. and Mehmet K.

Sources:

https://www.memurlar.net/haber/721139/4-eski-hakim-ve-savci-ya-ceza-yagdi.html

​CONSTITUTIONAL COURT REJECTS APPLICATION OF ITS ARRESTED FORMER MEMBER ALPARSLAN ALTAN ON 11 JANUARY 2018

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Turkish Constitutional Court rejects by a unanimous vote its former deputy chair Alparslan Altan’s application who has been under arrest since 2016 July.

Who is Alparslan Altan?

He completed his primary and secondary education in the province of Çayıralan in Yozgat in 1985. After graduating from the Faculty of Law at Istanbul University in 1989, he completed his advocacy internship and judicial training until 1993. Respectively; he worked as prosecutor in Alaplı, Hilvan and Zara public prosecutor’s office.

He completed his LLM degree with the thesis of “Responsibilities of the Members of the Board of Directors in the Joint Stock Companies and the Effect of the Quietus in the cases of Liability” in Erciyes University, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Department of Commercial Law, and his phd degree with the thesis of “Private Property, Security and Protection” in Gazi University Institute of Social Sciences Private Law Department.

Altan, who served as the Constitutional Court Rapporteur between 9 January 2001 and 25 February 2010, was appointed as Deputy Undersecretary of Maritime Undersecretary on 26.2.2010. He was appointed as a substitute member of the Constitutional Court by  former President Abdullah Gül on 29.03.2010. He became a Constitutional Court Member after the referendum held on September 12, 2010. Altan, chosen as vice President of the Constitutional Court on 26 October 2011. Until 2015, he served his duty as vice president.

He gave seminars on Constitutional Law and Constitutional Judiciary, Objection in Constitutional Law, Human Rights in Decisions of European Court of Human Rights at The Justice Academy of Turkey. There are various articles he has published in the fields of constitutional justice and private law.

He is married and father of two children. His elder son Eren is a disabled child. Eren had a seizure when his father was taken into custody.

He was arrested based on his “social circle”!

Following the failed coup attempt on July 15, 2016, he was one of the first civilian/judge to be arrested illegally in the history of law and coup. Jd Alparslan Altan was detained by the Ankara 4th Criminal Judgeship of Peace in Ankara on the morning of 16th of July in the presence of the Ankara chief prosecution office, who had no authority to prosecute members of the high judiciary.

Altan, who had to be trialed by the supreme criminal tribunal in accordance with the law and who could not be investigated by any of the prosecutor’s offices, was dismissed without even considering  taking his defence with the decision of president and members of Top Court in defiance of ECHR (european court of human rights) and the ECHR (european convention of human rights.)

As a reason for sack, the criterion shown as members opinion that formed “social circle knowledge” which had no place in the law.

Since the Hitler period, this rationale was firstly considered as a reason for a high/top judge to be sacked in the Turkish judiciary, which is an adapted notion of daily language term ‘gossip’ into the legal literature as ‘social knowledge’. On the other hand, the decision shows that there is no solid evidence about the lack of concrete evidence.

Altan was known to vote for release of prominent journalist Can Dundar who is in exile in Germany 

Altan, is known for his decisions and conter votes on behalf of freedoms in the decisions of Youtube, arrested MPs, prep school, Can Dündar, Erdem Gül. With this stance, he shows he is judge that in favor of freedoms. His counter votes bears enough law experience which can be taught as a lecture in law faculties. Unlike the current members, he was known not to swear allegiance to executive, and as a result, he was dismissed from the profession and arrested.

The “social circle” statement, which the Top Court president and members indicated as the reason for the sack, was used as the reason for the dismissal of judges who had not previously obeyed to Hitler in Nazi Germany.

On the other hand, Altan’s objection to the detention and the demand for release are almost reversed despite the need of her disabled son by adding hundreds of names with copy and paste system.

Sources:

1. http://www.posta.com.tr/son-dakika-anayasa-mahkemesi-nden-mehmet-altan-ve-sahin-alpay-a-tahliye-karari-haberi-1370875

2. https://tr.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Alparslan_Altan

​OPINION| ​​THE UNDERSTANDING OF LAW THAT CONSIDERS JUSTICE AS A “LUXURY”

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“The people who don’t trust each other and divided into groups, tribes and clans will only gather around the power which they believe to possess absolute honesty. That righteous “power” which is a beacon of trust and which leads millions of people to become a “nation” and establish a state is not comprised of politicians, soldiers, administrators or political parties. That righteous power, that great beacon of trust is comprised of the judges. The magical bond that transforms millions of scattered pearls into a priceless necklace is the “absolute honesty” of the judges. When the judges are wiped out of the state, the state becomes “an armed mob” just as the water, source of life, becomes a source of death when you wipe the oxygen atoms out of a water molecule. There is no state if there are no judges. The reason that differentiates the state from an armed mob is the existence of the judges. (1)”

These words are from the defense of Ahmet ALTAN who is accused of “joining the coup attempt by giving subliminal messages” and being tried in custody for life.  Truly, the “judgeship” is a profession which can be defined as the building blocks or the insurance of a country. The reason why the people sees this profession as “the prophet’s watch” is the fact that the judges, just like the prophets that were sent by the divine authority did, will only direct people into the righteous path, dignify the righteous ones instead of the powerful and will not cause even any tiny injustice towards anyone no matter what the threat is. Moreover, the right and responsibility to ensure the “basis of property” is given to the judges in a sense.

Let’s examine the situation we are facing. The things I am going to tell was not learned by reading history books or experiencing the irrational practices that exist in the countries like the North Korea, they are nothing but a short summary of what we have learned by living, even feeling the pain in a “democratic” country, our country, which is a member of the European Council for the last five decades.

After the coup attempt in 15th July 2016, at the midnight when armed conflicts and acts continued in some parts of Ankara, Necip Cem İŞÇİMEN, the prosecutor of Ankara, connected to a news channel and gave information regarding the incident(2). The prosecutor was declaring his “certain” verdict regarding who are responsible for the coup just after 5 hours after it starts and while, by his words, “the fighter jets are still in the air” and announcing his decision to detent 2745 prosecutors and judges who he related to those crimes. It will be later realized that the Supreme Board of Judges and Prosecutors started a meeting in the early hours of the day although it was weekend break. In the first phase of that meeting, the decision to dismiss those 2745 prosecutors and judges will be made with the accusation of membership to a terrorist organization and joining to the coup and without the need of accepting the defenses of the accused because of probably having the “certain” evidence they had (3). The words that were blurted out by the prosecutor of Ankara indicated that there was a serious effort about thousands of his work colleagues made by “some people” and the “necessary” thing can be done now. Unfortunately, the ones whose names were in the lists and who were still alive (there were the names of some people who died months ago in the lists) were arrested recklessly without being able to know what are the accusations and to what evidence they are based on.

Now let’s examine a news report of “Hürriyet” on March 2016. In the report, these sentences are used: “The vice president of SBJP, Metin Yandırmaz, announced that approximately 5 thousand people are detected to be the members of or related to the judicial branch of the ‘parallel organization’ ”. (4).  A clue about the “necessary” thing to do from the Prosecutor of Ankara’s words can be found in this report. The last election of SBJP comes to the mind in this point with this number. As you will remember, the number of the judges who didn’t vote for the members of YBP (Yargıda Birlik Platformu – Judicial Unity Platform) was around 5 thousand (5). After considering the information and comments that will be given in this text, I will leave the deduction and judgement about if those 5 thousand judges of contrary opinions are the ones that were “related” to the so-called “organization”.

Metin YANDIRMAZ’s explanation, in fact, has the capability to illuminate all the process. “… the ones that are members of or related to the judicial branch of the ‘parallel organization’ “. The mentioned is not a small gang of a check mafia in a small province. According to the claims, it is an organization which can threaten the existence of a country and established a parallel structure with all its structures despite the existence of the government. And the members of this organization is detected by the SBJP. The first question in this very crucial point is : Who made this “detection” with which evidence and authority? In “normal” countries, courts deal with these accusations instead of administrative boards. To whom those detections belong to? Let’s assume that we ignored this crucial question. The second and more actual question is : “If this claims are true, why did you wait so long to prevent such a huge threat to the existence of the state? The people who you claim to be detected are judges and they make judicial decisions in all over the country in the local courts and courts of appeals. If your claims are true, doesn’t even only this situation mean that the SBJP commits the sin of omission and malpractice?

Let’s continue to examine it from a different point of view.  While it is extremely difficult to even guessing the perpetrators, not completely detecting them during the early hours of the coup attempt, isn’t is a bit odd for the President (who created the political support for the winners in the mentioned SBJP elections) to connect to a news channel and tell who is responsible for the coup while he was on holiday? And what does it mean when he describes one of the worst disasters that may happen to the government of a state as “a blessing from the God”? Is it a pure coincidence when thousands of judges and prosecutors were taken into custody just hours after the coup? (and even before many of the soldiers who were claimed to be plotters)

For what were they preparing when the judicial members were challenged from the stages, the announcements were made about “re-designing” the judiciary and the “courts of project” were mentioned (6) after the corruption cases about Erdoğan and his inner circle  were revealed? What does it meant when 10 judge and prosecutors were arrested(7) because of their decisions that are “criticized by the political will” for the first time in the history of Turkish Republic, more than 50 judges and prosecutors were dismissed and hundreds of them were put into investigation (8) just after the “victory” was achieved in the elections of SBJP?

Prof. Sami SELÇUK, the honorary president of the Supreme Court, made this comment in his article titled “the last nail to the coffin” which was written about the efforts of the political will to “design the higher judicial bodies” before the complete paralyze of the law system after the coup: “We haven’t experienced a time in which the judiciary is interfered and controlled that much for the last 50 years. Such a shame and pity! These days are shame for me as a former judge. I have never been embarrassed that much on the behalf of my country, the law faculties in my country, the lawyers, especially the ones in the Grand National Assembly and my students. And the ones who can hear and evaluate the distress calls are absent.” (9). Unfortunately, there is not enough people who reacted to those carelessness which paralyses a system and the future of a country.

Does any of conscious ones can have a reasonable answer for the witch hunt of judges and persecutors only hours after the coup attempt? Let me try to show you the wrongdoing to this country and its people by numbers. The number of dismissed judges and prosecutors after the coup attempt is “4560”. This number is higher than total number of staff of judicial departments of some countries and it is equal to the 1/3 of the total number of judges and prosecutors in Turkey. Please remember once more the expressions with the number “5000” and the questions we asked to Metin YANDIRMAZ by considering this number. There is another depressing fact when we look at the situations of the dismissed ones. Even after 16 months, 2431 of them are still under arrest. 1585 judges and prosecutors are released with judicial control decisions and 271 of them are still being searched. (10) Emma Sinclair-Webb, the Director of Turkey of Human Rights Watch organization who witnessed this situation in those days says that: “Arresting judges without even pretending to follow the legal procedures will damage Turkey’s legal system which will have long-lasting effects” and tells that “The rule of law principle cannot be protected by ignoring it.” (11)

680 people who are consisted of supreme court members and who are under arrest all this time are kept in “cells” for more than a year, being completely against the concerning regulation and law on execution of sentences (12). This execution which is not even applied on severe penalties of final judgements according to the laws of our country is applied to the supreme judges. Apart from the other prisoners that were put into cells, those 680 judges and prosecutors are being tortured psychologically, physically and in terms of family needs for real. In addition to the suicide of a prosecutor who couldn’t stand the humiliating situation and the demise of a judge whose illness relapsed and cause his death because of the trauma he experienced, another tragedy that is called “imprisonment until death” is added to the list. A warrant has been issued for Mustafa Erdoğan’ arrest, member of Supreme Court, who had a brain tumor surgery in his hometown, Antalya during the same period. At the same time, Mustafa Erdoğan’s properties, bank accounts and salary were confiscated, and an interim injunction was imposed. Just as his other colleagues, he got arrested without any reason and kept in the cell for six months, away from his family while half of his body was paralyzed. His lawyers demanded a release for his severe medical condition but there was no result. At last, the Constitutional Court responded to Hüseyin Aygün, Mustafa Erdoğan’s lawyer who applied to the court for his client’s release due to the health problems, as : “The detainee is not in any danger”. The decision for release was made for him, who wasn’t even allowed to see his family in this process, while he was in intensive care unit and losing his consciousness. Mustafa Erdoğan passed away four days later (13).

This is a monument of unlawfulness that will be remembered in history in which the 1/3 of the members of Council of State and Supreme Court which are authorities of appeal, ¼ of the members of SBJP that were elected by the “5000 opposing votes” and two members of the Constitutional Court were dismissed without even hearing their defenses (14). Which one of them should we mention: thousands of judges and prosecutors that are either arrested or dismissed, the women who were dismissed and lost their jobs because of their husbands’ jobs, confiscated bank accounts and properties, demonization processes, lynch attempts and countless other victimhood, imprisonment and being left for death?

What was the real reason of this great lynch attempt that is done by the ones who were entrusted to ensure justice? Is it fear, hatred, benefit or something else that we don’t know? Can the explanation of this situation be  “the national interest” or “extraordinary tough times” that the politicians used frequently? Zühtü ARSLAN, the academic who became the president of the Constitutional Court and who did not become a satellite of the political will wrote in one of his books that: “ The tough times, on the contrary of its use in law literature as situations like states of emergency, martial law or war, are times in which the state puts itself into the emergency to fight against a real or superficial enemy, violates the basic rights and freedoms to do so, ignores the assurances that are provided by law, uses official of civil powers and in some cases, cooperates with the judicial organs.” Vedat Ahsen COŞAR, the deceased lawman who refers to these ideas and further says: “ In times when the fear becomes dominant like this, not only the decision making body of the state but all the branches of the society becomes bound by the fear and the threat behind it and therefore, all kinds of restrictions and even violations on freedoms and rights becomes much easy and justified. In times like this when the fear became or is becoming dominant, along with the rising nationalist movements, foreign and local enemies are created and new people, foundations or parties emerge who claim that they will protect the country from them, just like in Turkey now. The common sense of the society becomes blind by the fear and pressure as a result. People’s will become manipulated and the free expression of thought is restrained (15). It becomes very difficult to perform many jobs during tough times like these which allows people and personalities to be recognized with their real faces (16).”

Berke ÖZENÇ emphasized these points in his article titled “Hitler’s Judges” which tells to what purpose the law serves under the hands of judges in a created ground of fear: “ The political and lawful transformation of Turkey in recent years is often compared with the establishment of the Führer State in Nazi Germany. It needs to be emphasized that the transformation in law has significant and depressing similarities in some points. From this point of view, the application of laws by the technique of infinite interpretation and the criteria of “being national” which is created for the judicial decisions by the political power stands out. These two functions are the founding blocks of a process that works by being related to each other and they require a wrong and repeated deduction about the Nazi regime to be corrected. The thing that set the ground for the establishment of Nazi regime is not the law, but the judges. The result is the institutionalization of German type presidency and the establishment of the Führer State. As many of the lawmen who were related to the Nazis expressed proudly at that time, Germany is no longer a “Social law state” but Adolf Hitler’s “German law state”. The idea of institutionalism and predictability of the lawful state is replaced by a personal and arbitrary system in which Hitler’s “will” is determinative. The judiciary has a critical role in both establishing and preserving the regime’s existence.  The most significant memory of this era is the letter that was sent to the Hitler by the Judge Roland Freisler, saying : “My führer, from now on, the public courts will try to reach a decision in a direction which they believe that you will follow.” (17) Similarly, the first act of Napoleon who became the first council by taking the advantage of France’s “tough times” was dismissing thousands of judges and what he did (18) and the conditions of the judges who willingly served in that system were not different from the previous example.

Back to the Turkey, I think that the events after the coup attempt will become a very famous phase of the stage of history. It was understood that those 2740 judges weren’t even allowed to defend themselves due to the excuse of the “decision of secrecy” while the interrogating judges were repeatedly asked for the evidences of those great accusations and those judges arrested their colleagues just because of the lists that were sent by SBJP, which is nothing but an “administrative board” and which promised to work “in accordance” (19) with the executive branch. But it is seen today that this list is submitted as the most important document in the indictments that are revealed today. The vice president of SBJP at that time, Mehmet YILMAZ, had announced months after the arrests that if any of the arrested judges and prosecutors will become confessor, they may be returned to their duties. But when a journalist called him in December 2016 and expressed his “concern(?) about the ones that will return to duty” , he said: “Yes I told that, but I told that to promote being a confessor and I reached a huge success, there are many confessors now. But be sure that none of them will return to their duties. We collected evidence by this about the arrested judges and prosecutors. (20)” This is not a  slip of the tongue! The number one of the SBJP who demanded from all the judges to arrest their colleagues without any investigation confessed months later that he trapped his colleagues to “create evidence” because they didn’t have any, without being embarrassed and with proud. The judges who fulfilled this “sacred duty” proudly violated all principles of their profession and they started a race to leave their colleagues to death as if there were any reasonable evidences. After all this time, although they couldn’t find any concrete evidence about the crime of being a member to a terrorist organization, they “pretended that it existed” and kept on lying the same lies.

Today, the people that are in the decision-making bodies unfortunately undermined their identities of judges just like “the ones that cover the religious painting in the room while committing sins” to be “compatible” with the political will and accepted the claims and facts of a communication application which had millions of users and had nothing related to a crime, memberships to the legal foundations, being supportive to the different members rather than the representatives of the political will, witness statements which can’t even answer to the basic questions, being a follower of the news pages that are opposing against the government as adequate evidences. By doing so, they volunteered for the political will’s punishment process for everyone who “don’t think like them.” And, even there is no letter revealed, they proved that they are determined to decide in their courts in the same direction which they believe that the political will would have decided.

I would like to finish with another chapter of the defense of Ahmet Altan. “ What makes the judge who is crucially important for a state a judge? It is not his diploma, his cloak or his stand. The things that makes him a judge is his Godly honesty and the people’s unhesitant trust towards this honesty. In a real state that possess real judges, there will be no accusations without evidence, courts without evidence and arrests without evidence. When you read this indictment, you easily understand how the places which are called Courthouse and in which there are accused ones, the chairs for accused, the desks of lawyers, armed gendarmes, stands and cloaks are transformed into the slaughterhouse of law… In order to rape the law, the lawmen need to lose their feeling of embarrassment at first. If the lawmen haven’t been lost their feeling of shame, they wouldn’t have told lies that easily and they wouldn’t have became enemies of law and justice… (21)”

Sources:

(1) http://platform24.org/yazarlar/2421/ben-sizin-saniginiz-degilim

(2) https://youtu.be/-5ivWCeeRpA

(3) https://www.yargiicinadalet.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/09/Hakim-Savc%25C4%25B1-Meslekten-Cikarma-AYM-Basvuru-Ornegi.pdf&ved=0ahUKEwi0_-3e0MfXAhWINhoKHUOXAwkQFghCMAU&usg=AOvVaw3UKAFg4f8W7KSLiqaXDIxs

(4) http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/5-bin-hakim-savci-tespit-ettik-40064585

(5)  http://aa.com.tr/tr/turkiye/hsyk-secim-sonuclari-aciklandi/111683

(6) http://www.patronlardunyasi.com/haber/Erdogan-demisti-Bir-yilda-skandal-tutuklamalar/170373

(7) http://t24.com.tr/haber/hakim-ve-savcilarin-tutuklanmasi-ile-hakli-iken-haksiz-duruma-dusuldu,295943

(8) https://www.haberler.com/49-hakim-ve-savciya-gorevden-uzaklastirma-7508989-haberi/

(9) https://www.evrensel.net/haber/283205/yargitay-onursal-baskani-sami-selcuk-tabuta-son-civi

(10) https://twitter.com/1ofPurgedJudge/status/929055583969390592/photo/1

(11) https://www.hrw.org/tr/news/2016/08/08/292831

(12) https://twitter.com/1ofPurgedJudges/status/929435641703751683

(13) birgün gazetesi

(14) https://mobile.twitter.com/1ofPurgedJudges/status/929689423536640002

(15) https://eski.ankarabarosu.org.tr/PANELLER/2007/13%252003%25202007%2520%25C4%25B0FADE%2520%25C3%2596ZG%25C3%259CRL%25C3%259C%25C4%259E%25C3%259C_%2520Amerika%2520B%25C3%25BCy%25C3%25BCkel%25C3%25A7ili%25C4%259Fi%2520Ortak.doc&ved=0ahUKEwinuYn0jsbXAhXQyRoKHVOGCDEQFggeMAA&usg=AOvVaw3AhuomFulh_9fitdh-UXpY

(16) https://ahsencosar.wordpress.com/2014/05/09/

(17) https://m.bianet.org/bianet/siyaset/174976-hitler-in-yargiclari-ve-fuhrer-devleti-nin-insasi&ved=0ahUKEwjgyKvylcbXAhWPhRoKHVSFAHMQFggcMAA&usg=AOvVaw0U2n9V3WTSxfoPvJzkk80_

(18) http://www.filozof.net/Turkce/tarih/tarihi-kisilikler-sahsiyetler/18057-napolyon-bonapart-kimdir-hayati-

(20) http://www.haberturk.com/yazarlar/sevilay-yilman-2383/1341844-hsyk-baskanvekili-niyetim-itirafciligi-tesvik-etmekti

(21) http://t24.com.tr/haber/iste-ahmet-altanin-savunmasinin-tam-metni,409761

​COLUMN| “ECtHR’s inadmissable decisions about judges Mercan, Çatal and teacher Köksal cases” by chair Judges for Judges

Gold or stone?

“The exhaustion rule may be described as one that is golden rather than cast in stone.” § 64 of the ECHR Practical guide on admissibility criteria.

Here’s a moment I won’t forget any time soon: on 16 July 2016 –the day after the failed coup d’etat in Turkey – while attending a Beyoncé concert in the Arena Stadium, I received an e-mail message from a Turkish colleague:

“I also will be dismissed and detained. I don’t know how to explain. I just have done my job and criticize the government regarding judicial developments that you already know very well. We may not see each other again. Thank you for your support up to now. We will not have any communication opportunity.”

Since then, 15 months and many rounds of dismissals have passed. The state of emergency is still in place and a total of over 138,000 civil servants have been dismissed, suspected of supporting or having ties with one of the organizations, structures or groups that were co-responsible for the attempted coup d’etat.

In the first week of October 2017 another 39 judges and public prosecutors were dismissed: currently, the total number of magistrates that have been dismissed stands at a staggering 5,460. Of those, 2,700 are in detention. And for those magistrates that have ‘only’ been dismissed their dismissal not only means the loss of their job as judge of public prosecutor, but also the prohibition of working for the government in another capacity, the denial of social services, revocation of their passports and confiscation of their property, such as their house, car and bank accounts. They are therefore condemned to living a life on the margins and are depending on others for charity. For instance, a colleague of mine – gone underground at the time – mentioned to me he was trying to make some money for his family selling honey by the side of the road.

No wonder then, that many of the dismissed Turkish civil servants have pinned their hopes on the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) in Strasbourg to declare unequivocallythat the Turkish government has grossly violated their human rights. The ECHR, by the way, already has enough to do regarding Turkey: the most recent figures show that 17,850 i.e. 20% of all pending cases originates from Turkey. Until now, it has been a disappointment for the complainants. In three decisions on admissibility the doors of Strasbourg have remained shut, because domestic remedies have not been exhausted, as per article 35 of the European Convention on Human Rights.

Judge Mercan (dismissed and detained) filed a complaint on 2 September 2016 relating to her pre-trial detention. The complaint was declared inadmissible by the European Court, as she had not turned to the Turkish Constitutional Court first. The European Court found that proceedings before this Court could not be outright rejected as not providing an effective remedy – despite the dismissal and subsequent detention of two of the members of this Constitutional Court. The claimant’s misgivings about the impartiality of the Turkish Constitutional Court also did not justify skipping these proceedings, the European Court found.

The resigned (and arrested) judge Çatal filed a complaint on December 5, 2016 for her dismissal by the Supreme Council of

Judges. After her objection was rejected, she immediately turned to the EHRM, as earlier jurisprudence showed that neither the Constitutional court nor the Supreme Administrative Council considered this type of post-coup dismissal procedure to be within their competence.

The fired teacher Köksal had already appealed to the Turkish Constitutional Court when he also filed a complaint with the EHRM on November 4, 2016 due to his dismissal. In his view, after the failed coup, the Constitutional Court could no longer be considered independent and impartial. For this reason, according to Köksal, the Constitutional Court would not offer an effective legal remedy that should be depleted, before the EHRM could consider a complaint.

It’s a tactical chess game. In line with the subsidiarity principle, the EHRM first refers complainants Köksal and Çatal back to the – by Decree No 685 of 23 January 2017- recently established system of legal remedies. According to the EHRM, this might offer a remedy for the problematic situation arising from the state of emergency and the previous declarations of the Turkish judges that they had no jurisdiction to assess the resulting issues. Therefore, it is justified to make an exception to the principle of assessing the exhaustion of national remedies at the time of filing of the complaint.

Judge Çatal must first address the Supreme Administrative Council. Teacher Köksal first needs to file proceedings before the new 7-member appeal committee and after that, before an administrative court in Ankara. The possible continuation process will then be the same for both – and for all others in similar positions – namely the submission of an individual complaint to the Constitutional Court. If all this does not lead to the desired result, a complaint can still be filed in Strasbourg.

The EHRM considers the newly introduced procedure to be sufficiently accessible and there is no reason to believe that it would not provide sufficient legal protection or that this would not give any chance of rehabilitation. With this, the EHRM expressly does not anticipate a more thorough and substantive evaluation of the assessment in a specific case.

This final decision in the Köksal case of 6 June 2017, makes clear that in the short term for the dismissed government officials, there is not much to be expected from the Strasbourg court. The national authorities are explicitly given the opportunity to repair any violations of the ECHR. But we also know that on 24 April 2017, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE) decided to reopen the monitoring procedure for Turkey because of major concerns about respect for human rights, democracy and the rule of law. The Commissioner for Human Rights, Nils Muižnieks, stated on 7 June 2017 that the Turkish Council of Judges and Prosecutors does not provide adequate safeguards for the independence of the judiciary and that the risk of political influence has been significantly increased. Against that – grim – background, the EHRM declared the complaint of Köksal inadmissible.

Furthermore, when you take into account that the complaints regarding 138,000 dismissals are to be dealt with by a commission consisting of 7 people, no rocket science is required to see that these are anything but speedy and effective proceedings. In his speech on 1st of June 2017 the president of the Constitutional Court mentioned with concern that 103,000 individual complaints are pending in his Court.

For now, the decisions of inadmissibility taken in Strasbourg give the Turkish authorities some time and a –temporary- moral victory, which is given a lot of attention in the newspapers that support the Government. On Twitter, the disappointed tweets followed each other in rapid succession. After the Köksal decision Amnesty International’s Turkey researcher Andrew Gardner tweeted:

ECHR’s faith in TR’s commission defies both experience + logic. Is insult to 100K arbitrarily dismissed workers. Re-assessment must come soon.

Obviously, the decisions of inadmissibility have hit those inflicted in Turkey like the abovementioned ‘stone’, but there is still hope of “striking gold” in Strasbourg in the future. It is now up to Turkey to show that the newly decreed legal remedies will provide for satisfactory legal protection and a real chance of rehabilitation. Should Turkey fail in this respect – which I cautiously consider to be not unrealistic- the Court in Strasbourg must thoroughly examine the contents of each individual complaint. In my view the ECHR, both while judging the admissibility of the complaint as well as while checking that there has been a fair trial, cannot close its eyes to the grip the executive powers have on the administration of justice and the incredible pressure the remaining and newly appointed Turkish magistrates suffer in politically sensitive cases.

The ‘çhilling effect’ of the post-coup measures against the judiciary, i.e. the fear of being dismissed and arrested as well as a reaction to politically unwelcome decisions, is after all real.

These are in my opinion exiting times, not just in Turkey but as well for the European Court, should it want to remain seen by civilians as a relevant institution in times of seemingly massive breaches of human rights in a country.

Tamara Trotman,

Judge in the Appeal Court of The Hague and chair of Judges for Judges.

Sources:
http://www.rechtersvoorrechters.nl/media/turkije/Rechtspraak_Europa_column_engels.pdf

https://www.rechtspraak.nl/SiteCollectionDocuments/nre-2017-nr-10.pdf) rechtspraak.nl/SiteCollection…, pages 5 and 6).

​OPEN LETTER| Visit of the President of Turkey to France: France Judicial Union’s mail to Emmanuel Macron

January 4, 2018

Open letter

Mr. President of the Republic,

You will receive tomorrow Recep Tayyip Erdogan, President of Turkey.

We have already had the opportunity to alert you to the serious abuses that have hit this country since the failed coup d’etat of July 15, 2016, in particular the executive’s control over justice and the general degradation of the rule of law.

Under the guise of a state of emergency and the fight against terrorism, tens of thousands of people are victims of an arbitrary repression that continues to worsen and reaching all categories of the population: lawyers, journalists, teachers, academics , researchers … Thus at least 150,000 public officials have been dismissed, nearly 50,000 are in prison, more than 170 journalists are in detention, dozens of lawyers are incarcerated … As for our colleagues, judges and prosecutors, targets priority of this persecution, they are approximately 4500 to be revoked and 2500 imprisoned. This purge of justice aims to subordinate it to the executive power by stifling any desire for independence.

The Council of Europe, by awarding the fifth Václav Havel Human Rights Prize to our colleague Murat Arslan, president of the only independent judiciary association in Turkey, YARSAV, and detained for nearly 15 months, has both its extreme concern for the situation in Turkey and the importance of the independence of Justice in a democracy.

We do not dare to think that you will not talk with the President of a country still applying for membership of the European Union and a member of the Council of Europe, a situation that is detrimental to the rule of law and incompatible with the rule of law, the democratic values ​​of Europe. Require the release of Murat Arslan and his colleagues, ask for the presence of observers in future trials, the publication of the report of the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture, all topics that you will need to recall.

Our approach does not tend to break with the Turkish people and nation, but is a sign of our determination to put an end to the violations of the fundamental rights of Turkish citizens and our commitment to construction in Turkey, as in the rest of the world. Europe, of a serene future, in the fullness of a democracy leaving all its place to an impartial and independent justice.

We thank you, Mr President of the Republic, for the expression of our perfect consideration.

Original link of letter as French:

http://www.syndicat-magistrature.org/Visite-du-President-de-la-Turquie.html

NEWS | “FROM JUDGES TO TERRORISTS” BY FRANK NORDHAUSEN VIA FRANKFURTER RUNDSCHAU

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Ayse, Hatice and Dilek share the same fate. Her husbands, all judges, have been imprisoned in Turkey since the attempted coup a year ago.

By Frank Nordhausen

07/14/2017

If the muezzins of all 90,000 mosques in Turkey announce the so-called Sala, the announcement of death news for the victims of the failed military coup a year ago, then three women in Istanbul will hardly be able to bear the lament. Ayse, Hatice and Dilek will sadly think of July 15, 2016, which not only deeply shook the country, but destroyed their lives and that of their families. “Our husbands are not dead,” Ayse says, “but it’s as if they’ve been buried alive since the coup attempt. My children cry every time they think of their father who is innocently imprisoned. “

Eight months ago, the women contacted the FR for help. Although Turkish media write about arrested journalists, they almost never write about imprisoned judges and prosecutors because they have no lobby. This is one of the reasons why women have hesitated a long time in publicizing their fate. They are afraid if their real names were mentioned, which is why they were changed here. “We are thousands in Turkey,” says Ayse, dark hair wearing a simple, elegant dress. “We want to raise our voice for those who go through the same thing as we do. Where is justice in our country? “

The fate has brought together Ayse, Hatice and Dilek, three mothers from Istanbul between the ages of thirty and forty, who meet every week on visiting days in the maximum security prison in Silivri, west of the metropolis where their husbands are detained. Men who were respected public servants a year ago and now accused by the state of being involved in a coup attempt, for which President Recep Tayyip Erdogan blames the Fethullah terrorist organization Fetoah of Islamic preacher Fethullah Gülen. “Kafkaesk,” says Ayse. “Like a nightmare you can not wake up from.”

On the morning of July 16, while loyal troops were still battling insurgents, the High Council of High Judges (HSYK) was already issuing a list of the names of 2745 judges and prosecutors who were to be suspended or arrested for suspecting the Feto coup to belong. Versions of this list were published in the press the same day, and the police began arresting. To date, 4424 judges and prosecutors have been suspended, 2584 imprisoned, 680 are in solitary confinement. About a quarter of the judiciary was switched off.

On the morning of July 16, the Supreme High Judicial Council sent a list 2745 names of judges and prosecutors who should be suspended or arrested.

“On the published list of alleged Fetö judges, my husband and I also turned up,” says Hatice, who is carefully made up and wears a white blouse over her jeans. “That’s why we left the children with their parents and volunteered.” The Central Anatolian couple came to a completely overcrowded prison where Hatice and five other lawyers were put in a five-square-foot cell for five days. For more than 60 detainees there was only a toilet and a sink. “It felt like a joke at first. That was our Turkey? Impossible! “Hatice laughs nervously.

The next day they were presented to a very young prosecutor, who interrogated the arrested as on the assembly line. “The judge read all questions from the paper. Not a single question was about the coup, it was always about Gülen. Did I meet my husband with the Gülenists? Whether we had an account with a particular bank, visited Gülen books, or had classes with him? “Hatice recalls. “Of course we did not have that. My husband is a seasoned leftist and I am close to the nationalists. We would never have had anything in common with Gülenisten. “She says that the prosecutor shivered throughout the half-hour interrogation. “He was afraid of me and of making a mistake.” When she asked him what evidence was against her, the investigator finally admitted: “Your file is empty. There is only one letter from HSYK that you should be arrested. “

The husbands of Hatice and Dilek, two prosecutors, have been in jail for a year. Both women, even judges, were briefly detained. Ayse’s husband, who has been a criminal judge for fifteen years, was arrested in western Turkey along with a dozen other lawyers in the courthouse, she says. “They were taken to a police station where they were told that they were helpers of the putschists.” Three days later, her husband was transferred to the state prison, where he was detained for months in a room with 25 other inmates. “Today a respected judge and the next day a terrorist! How can one cope with that? “

Ayse takes the arrest warrant out of a folder. “Allegations:” Military coup against state and government and membership in an armed terrorist organization, “says there. “Evidence: Letter from the Prosecutor General’s Office in Ankara of July 16”. She laughs bitterly. “But the content of the letter is secret!” Her husband could only say that he is accused of belonging to Fetö.

Ayse’s girlfriend Hatice traces the events back to the “basic problem of today’s Turkish justice,” the massive influence of politics on the courts. Those who disobey end up in jail. The others are making a career. “In their prison, they soon talked about how to be released without trial. “You have to smear the judges with a lot of money or have friends in politics.” Hatice speaks bitterly of an abyss of bribery, denunciation and resentment. “It is the destruction of the democratic justice system, the basics of which we have studied at university. It’s all about: Are you for or against the government? If you are against it, you will be labeled as feto. “

Hatice spent a month in detention. “We were not allowed to talk to a lawyer, make phone calls, have no contact at all. It’s all illegal. “Then she was released so she could take care of her children. Neither she nor her husband have received any indictment so far. For lack of evidence, prosecutors have been trying for some time to persuade arrested lawyers to make denunciations.

Arbitrary justice in Turkey

In fact, HSYK leader Mehmet Yilmaz pledged to impeach impunity and return to legal confessional statements. But when the pro-government media outraged him, he rowed back. “I said so that people confess and we get concrete evidence,” he said in an interview. “Of course, they can not go back to their jobs.” For the three women, it is evidence that the investigators do not have the slightest evidence against them.

“The judiciary has become completely arbitrary,” says Hatice. Unlike her, Dilek, who also exudes the assurance of an experienced judge, has just received her indictment with the threat of 15 years imprisonment. On her computer she opens the file, which contains almost 100 pages. “What’s in it, could have written a secretary of the court,” she scolds. Only a tenth of the text deals with her. She is accused of using the Internet messenger service Bylock, which is associated with Fetö. “I first heard from Bylock a month after the coup attempt. But we had to hand in all our cell phones, of course they could have played the program. “

The remaining 90 percent of the charges deal with the transport of weapons by the Turkish intelligence service MIT to Syrian rebels and corruption investigations against the government instigated by Fetö. “Is that my business? Nothing! “Says Dilek. “We noticed that many colleagues got exactly the same font, only the names were exchanged.”

Even Dilek was after her arrest only a few days in police custody. But her husband has been in solitary confinement for months. “His detention conditions are awful. He is allowed once a day in a small courtyard with ten-meter-high walls, which is covered with a steel plate, so that he never sees the sky. “He was also reproached for being” clearly wrong, “says Dilek.

Dilek, Hatice and Ayse believe that the real reason for the arrest warrants has to do with their commitment to the Liberal Judge Association Yarsav. “The point is that we and our husbands did not vote for the Erdogan list YBP in 2014 in the election to High Judicial Council HSYK,” says Dilek. “They want to totally cleanse the judiciary of Erdogan opponents.”

Therefore, already three months before the attempted coup in Erdogan-close Judge Association circulated a list of names with Yarsav members. The irony is that the internationally recognized, pro-European Yarsav Association was founded 11 years ago by judges and prosecutors with the aim of defending the independence of the judiciary against Gülenist infiltration. In Dilek’s indictment it says now, Fetö would have tried to infiltrate the now by decree closed Yarsav club and bring under his control.

The government strongly rejects the allegations raised by human rights organizations such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International. The measures were directed only against terrorist suspects, said Justice Minister Bekir Bozdag. However, Ankara Bar Association President Deniz Özbilgin also confirms: “We believe that the main purpose of the arrests is to bring judges and prosecutors into line.” Özbilgin also confirms that the accused state lawyers have enormous difficulties, defenders to find. “No one wants to represent them, so as not to be seen as sympathizers of terrorists.”

Ayse reports that her husband, who wanted to defend himself, still has no insight into his file. Lawsuits would be denied him, his submissions to the European Court of Human Rights not forwarded. “All this is unlawful, but since the July 20, 2016 imposed state of emergency – as well as the restriction of prisoners’ rights. While serious criminals may receive 45 minutes of visits three times a week, their husbands are allowed only one weekly visit and one phone call every two weeks, say the three women. All men lost much of their time in detention. Ayee’s husband became depressed. He was dismissed from the civil service eight months ago. His account is blocked as well as the disposal of other possessions.

“We only survive thanks to my parents who support us,” says his wife. In the meantime, her husband is doing better. “But he is very worried, especially about the children.” In the months after the coup attempt, they often came crying from school because their father was called the “enemy of Turkey”. For weeks there was no topic in the classroom other than the coup d’état. “They did not want to go to school at all. And now for the Anniversary, it all starts again. “

Hatice says her husband regained his old fighting spirit after a period of discouragement. Dilek, Hatice and Ayse have networked in a Facebook group with 450 other women judges and know that many still significantly worse. Hatice is like Dilek occupied with a professional ban. Your passports are invalid. They are not allowed to work or own anything, but they are not allowed to go either way.

The women were pleased with the recently ended march for justice of the opposition leader Kemal Kilicdaroglu, which was followed by millions of people. They did not participate because they believe that it is important to remain impartial as a judge and not to belong to any party. “There is no more legal security in our country,” says Dilek. “But the law will come back. In the long run injustice can not win. “

Original link of the news:

http://m.fr.de/politik/tuerkei-von-richtern-zu-terroristen-a-1313966?GEPC=s3