​FORMER SENIOR JUDGE AND DEPUTY UNDERSECRETARY OF JUSTICE MINISTRY WAS SENTENCED TO 12 YEARS IN JAIL

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Former judge and deputy undersecretary of ministry of justice Kenan Özdemir was sentenced to 12 years in prison over charges of being a member of armed terror organisation.

An investigation had been launched after coup attempt into Kenan Özdemir, previously being a deputy undersecretary and then a senior counselor of Justice Ministry till his dismissal.

In the indictment it was alleged that he had used ByLock mobile app.

His statement as to no terrorist organisation comes without an arm was considered to be an offense!

In the indictment seeking up to 15 years in prison over charges of being a member of an armed terror organisation accuses Özdemir of making an effort not to pass the government bill into law in 2002 including the definition of unarmed terror organisation and lobby on this.

Source:

https://m.haberler.com/amp/eski-adalet-bakanligi-mustesar-yardimcisi-ozdemir-10401312-haberi/?__twitter_impression=true

​WOMAN JUDGE IS SENTENCED TO 10 YEARS IN PRISON BY PRO-ERDOGAN JUDGE

Fatma O., judge of district Gaziosmanpaşa of Istanbul was sentenced with 10 years of prison over charges of membership in armed terrorist organisation. Within the scope of the same charges, her prosecutor husband, Vedat O. also gets 7 years and 6 months imprisonment. Taking into consideration the amount of penalty given to her, the court ruled the continuation of arrest for Fatma O. (1).

The judge Hulusi Pur, convicting judge Fatma O. with an imprisonment penalty which is too much over the lower bound established in the related law, has been known as pro-Erdogan judge. Previously discharging his judicial task in criminal peace judgeship designated by Erdogan to silence and intimidate the opponents, Hulusi Pur had been promoted and appointed as a president of High Criminal Court after he released Süleyman Aslan and Zarrab’s man Happani who were the main suspects of the 17/25 December corruption/bribery investigations and Zarrab trial in USA. Reza Zarrab, the defendant of the mentioned trial, testified in USA court that he had given too much bribery to the panel of judges to be released from arrest (2).

Source:

1. www.hurriyet.com.tr/eski-hakime-fetoden-10-yil-40692778

2. http://halktv.com.tr/zarrab-rusvet-verdim-iddiasi-yargi-mensuplari-260308

UK SOLICITOR AND MEMBER OF AMNESTY KIRKLEES WRITES A LETTER OF SOLIDARITY TO IMPRISONED JUDGE NESLIHAN EKINCI

Jan Walters, a solicitor and member of Amnesty Kirklees writes a letter of solidarity to an imprisoned judge in Turkey, Neslihan Ekinci who has been kept in solitary confinement.

Since coup attempt, there have been many judges, civilians like Neslihan – including some Amnesty activists – who have been arrested in Turkey as part of an unjust clampdown by the Erdogan Regime.

Source: https://youtu.be/7PJ_abJqC1Y

TÜRK YARGISININ İLKESEL VE SAYISAL ÇÖKÜŞÜ

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  1. GİRİŞ

Yargı mensubu olmanın, dünyanın en zor mesleklerinden biri olduğu söylense abartılmış olmaz. Zordur, zira insanın en temel gereksinimlerinden birisi adalettir ve yargı mensupları bu gereksinimin karşılanmasında oldukça kritik bir görev ifa etmektedir.

Görevin zorluğu ve önemi nedeniyle uluslararası standartlar oluşturulmasına ihtiyac duyulmuştur. Yargıçların meslek ahlakı standartlarını oluşturmak amacıyla 2003 yılında BM Bangolar Yargı Etiği ilkeleri[1] kabul edilmiştir. Bir hakimin sahip olması gereken bağımsızlık, tarafsızlık, doğruluk, dürüstlük, eşitlik, ehliyet ve liyakat gibi nitelikler bu ilkelerde ayrıntılı bir şekilde açıklanmıştır. Benzer şekilde, Avrupa Konseyi tarafından 2005 yılında düzenlenen Avrupa Savcıları Konferansında, Budapeşte İlkeleri olarak da bilinen Savcılar için Etik ve Davranış Biçimlerine İlişkin Avrupa Esasları kabul edilmiştir. Budapeşte İlkeleri’nde, hakimler de olduğu gibi, savcıların sahip olması gereken nitelikler ayrıntılı bir şekilde ele alınmıştır.

Modern bir hukuk devletinde, insan haklarının güvencesi olacak bir yargıdan bahsedebilmek için sadece yargı teşkilatının bulunması ve bu teşkilatta sıfatı “hakim” ve “savcı” olan insanların varlığı yetmez, bu hakim ve savcılarıın yukarıda belirtilen ilkelerdeki niteliklere de sahip olması gerekir. Bu niteliklerde bir hakim ve savcının yetişmesi ise hiç kolay değildir. Öncelikle mesleğin gerektirdiği bilgiye sahip olunacak, sonrasında ise tecrübeyle bu bilgi pekiştirilecektir. Bu, oldukça uzun bir zaman gerektirir.

Türk yargısı, hiçbir zaman mükemmel bir yargı teşkilatına sahip olmamıştır. Ancak yakın tarihe kadar sürekli kendisini yenilemeye çalışmış, ciddi bir gelişme kaydetmiştir. Nitekim AB Komisyonu’na göre Türk yargı sistemi, bağımsızlık, etkinlik ve insan haklarının ve temel özgürlüklerin korunması bakımından 2013 yılına kadar kayda değer bir ilerleme kaydetmişti ve Türkiye, yargı alanındaki AB müktesebatının ve Avrupa standartlarının uygulanması bakımından belirli düzeyde hazırlıklıydı[2]. Ancak 2014 yılından itibaren herhangi bir ilerleme kaydetmediği gibi, hakim ve savcılar üzerinde kurulan baskılarla mevcut kazanımlardan geriye gitmiştir. 2016 yılında yapılan hakim ve savcı ihraçlarıyla mevcut durum çok daha kötüleşmiştir[3].

Türk yargısının son bir yılının grafikler kullanılarak fotoğrafının çekilmeye çalışıldığı bu makalede, grafiklere esas alınan rakamlar, HSK internet sayfasındaki istatistiki veriler, kura kararnamelerindeki göreve başlama tarihleri, bakanlar ve üst düzey kamu görevlilerinin basın açıklamalarında verdikleri rakamlar esas alınarak bulunmuştur[4].

2. DARBE TEŞEBBÜSÜ BAHANESİYLE YARGIDA YAPILAN TASFİYELER

15 Temmuz askeri darbe girişimi sonrasında yaşanan gelişmeler, iktidarın özellikle yargıyı kendine bağımlı hale getirmek için, uzun süreden beri ciddi bir hazırlık yaptığını ortaya koymaktadır. Zira, Türkiye’de kurmayı planladıkları “tek adam” rejimi için milyonlarca muhalifin tasfiyesi için yüzbinlercesinin gözaltına alınması/tutuklanması gerekiyordu. Bunun için de iktidara bağlı bir yargı “olmazsa olmaz” koşuldu. Nitekim, 16 Temmuz sabahında, henüz darbeyi organize eden askerlerin dahi kim olduğu belirlenememişken, HSYK toplandı ve 2.745 hakim ve savcıyı açığa aldı. Daha sonra bu sayı 4560’a kadar çıktı. Yani toplam sayısı 15.304 olan hakim ve savcıların % 29’u görevden alındı.

İhracı kesinleşen hakim ve savcıların 1591 (%37.15)’I 10 yıl ve daha fazla; 1578 (%36.84) hakim ve savcı 5 yıl ile 10 yıl arasında; 1114 (% 26,01) hakim ve savcı ise 5 yıldan daha az bir kıdeme sahipti.  Yani ihraç edilen hakimlerin % 63.16’sı 5 yıldan fazla kıdeme sahipti.

3. YÜKSEK YARGIDA YAPILAN TASFİYELER

İktidar aynı süreçte, “partizan yargı” oluşturmak için yüksek yargıda da “kıyım” olarak adlandırılabilecek tasfiyeler yaptı. 17 üyeli Anayasa Mahkemesi’nden 2 üye, 471 üyeli Yargıtay’dan 140 üye, 177 üyeli Danıştay’dan 49 üye tasfiye edildi/tutuklandı. 22 üyeli HSYK’nın 5 üyesi de tasfiye edilenler/tutuklananlar arasında yer aldı.

4. İHRAÇ EDİLEN HAKİM VE SAVCILAR HAKKINDA DURUŞMA ÖNCESİ VERİLEN KARARLAR VE YAPILAN UYGULAMALAR

Türkiye’de kurulmaya çalışılan otokratik yeni rejimin inşası için mesleğinden atılan 4560 hakim ve savcı sadece mesleklerinden atılmakla kalmadı. İktidar güç gösterisi olarak bu hakim ve savcıların 2728’ini tutukladı. Tutuklananların 680’ini cezaevlerinde tek kişilik hücrelere konuldu. Tutuklanan hakim ve savcıların avukatlarıyla, aile bireyleriyle ve diğer yakınlarıyla görüşmeleri engellendi, cezaevinde fiziksel ve psikolojik insan haklarına ve hatta yürürlükteki Türk infaz mevzuatına dahi aykırı çok ağır bir baskı ortamı oluşturuldu.

Böylesine ağır koşullar altında tutulan savcı Seyfettin Yiğit, cezaevi tuvaletinde ölü bulundu. Ailesi öldürüldüğünü, yetkililer ise intihar ettiğini iddia etti .

Gözaltına alındıktan sonra serbest bırakılan ancak ihraç edilerek maaş ve sağlık sigortası gibi hakları elinden alınan hakim Mehmet Tosun süregelen hastalığının tekrar nüksetmesi nedeniyle zor koşullar altında yaşamını kaybetti .

Tutuklananların içinde onlarca ağır hasta bulunmasına rağmen, tahliye kararı verilmemektedir. Örneğin, ağır bir beyin ameliyatı geçirmesine ve hastanede kalması zorunlu olmasına rağmen tutuklanan Yargıtay üyesi Mustafa Erdoğan, tüm raporlara ve tahliye taleplerine rağmen bilinci kapanıncaya kadar tahliye edilmedi; hastanede bir hücre ortamında tutuldu. Ancak bilinci kapanıp, öleceği kesinleştikten sonra tahliye edildi ve tahliye edildikten 4 gün sonra da öldü.

1585 hakim ve savcı hakkında adli konrol kararı verildi. Mesleklerinden ihraç edilen, hayatları hukuktan ibaret olan bu hukukçular, avukatlık yapma hakları dahi ellerinden alınarak adeta “sivil ölü” haline getirildi.

Bu süreçte meslekten atılan 4560 hakim ve savcıdan 4290’ı hakkında adli işlem yapıldı.

5. TASFİYE NEDENİYLE OLUŞAN KADRO AÇIĞI, PARTİLİ HAKİMLİK, LİYAKAT VE KIDEM EKSİKLİĞİ

“Partizan yargı” için birinci adım, iktidarın kendisine bağımlı olmadığını düşündüğü yargı mensuplarını tasfiye, ikinci adım ise tasfiye edilenlerin yerine “partizan” hakim ve savcıların göreve getirilmesiydi. Birinci aşama tamamlandıktan sonra, ikinci aşamaya geçildi. Tasfiye edilenlerin yerine “partizan” hakim ve savcılar alındı. CHP milletvekili Barış Yarkadaş, tasfiye edilenlerin yerine alınan 900 hakim ve savcı üzerinde yaptığı araştırmada, bunların 800 tanesinin AKP’li olduğunu somut örnekler de vermek suretiyle kamuoyuyla paylaştı . Yargıçlar Sendikası üyesi Hakim Nuh Hüseyin Köse yargıdaki durumu “Liyakat kalmadı, aşağıdan gelen partili avukatların yargıç yapılması süreci başladı. Bu zamana kadar yetişmiş yargıçlar bir sünger çekilerek çizginin diğer tarafına atılıyor. Ya emekli olmaya, ya meslekten ayrılmaya zorlanıyorlar. Olmazsa etkisizleştiriliyorlar” şeklinde açıklamalar yaptı .

Gerçekten de tasfiyeler sonrası Türk yargısı ciddi bir nitelik/liyakat sorunu yaşıyor. Türk yargı sisteminde normal işleyiş şu şekildeydi: Türkiye yargı teşkilatı olarak küçükten büyüğe doğru 5 bölgeye ayrılmaktadır. 5. Bölge en küçük yerleşim yerleri, 1. Bölge ise büyükşehirler. Hakim-savcı adaylık sınavını kazanan birisi 2 yıllık Adalet Akademisini bitirdikten sonra en küçük bölgelere yani 4 ve 5. Bölgelere tayin edilirdi. Meslekte başarılı olup tecrübe ve kıdem kazandıkça, daha büyük yerlere atama yapılırdı. 1. Bölgelerde görev yapmak için yaklaşık 10 yıllık bir kıdeme sahip olmak gerekirdi. Hele Ankara, İstanbul ve İzmir gibi en büyük şehirlerde çalışmak için 15-20 yıllık bir kıdem gerekirdi.  % 29’luk tasfiye sonrası, kadro eksikliği ve tasfiye edilenlerin % 63’ünün 5 yıl ve 10 yıl üzerinde kıdemlere sahip hakim ve savcılar olması nedeniyle, mesleğe yeni başlamış, ya da çok az mesleki tecrübeye sahip hakim ve savcılar büyükşehirlerde görev yapmaya başladılar. Ortaya çıkan büyük kadro boşluğu nedeniyle, Adalet Bakanı hakim ve savcı adaylarının stajlarının dahi kısaltıldığını açıkladı .

Bugün Türkiye’de İstanbul, Ankara, İzmir gibi büyükşehirlerde adalet birçoğu itibariyle ciddi mesleki tecrübesi bulunmayan hakim ve savcıların omuzlarındadır. İnsanlar, bu hakim ve savcılar tarafından tutuklanmakta ve müebbet hapis cezası istemiyle yargılanmaktadır.

6. SONUÇ

Hala görevdeki hakimlerden birisi olan Adem Arslan’ın HSYK Başkanvekili Mehmet Yılmaz’a yazdığı açık mektup, Türk yargısının içler acısı durumunu ortaya koymaktadır: “Sevgili Mehmet Yılmaz (HSK Başkanvekili), son dönem çok sık yaptığı üzere bir gazeteciye demeç vermiş, özetle, yargıyı FETO’den temizledik ama yetmez 1200 kişi hakkında daha tahkikat sürüyor demiş … Resmen liste manyağı yaptınız bizleri.Hayatımız liste muhabbetinden ibaret.. İtirafçı listesi, bylock listesi, seçim listesi, bize oy vermemiş olabilme ihtimali listesi.. ‘dosyada bir şey yok ama kafamız karıştı’ FETO’cu olmadığını ispatla listesi.. Yeter lütfen yeter.. Teşkilatın yüzde 40’ını attınız gitti. Daha neyin zorlaması bu … Eğer işin içinden çıkamadı iseniz ben de dahil hepimizi meslekten atın gitsin.. Siz de kurtulun yemin billah bizde kurtulalım…. Yeter ya…”

İşte böyle bir tabloya sahip Türk yargısı, 15 Temmuz sonrası iktidar tarafından muhalifleri tasfiyede kullanılan en etkin araç haline dönüşmüştür. Mensuplarının % 29’u görevden alınan/tutuklanan, kalanların birçoğu AKP taraftarı olan, az sayıdaki AKP taraftarı olmayanların ise korkarak seslerini çıkarmadıkları bir yargıdan başka türlü ne beklenebilir ki! Böyle bir yargı için, ne BM Bangolar Yargı Etiği ilkeleri ne Budapeşte İlkeleri ne de başka bir ilke önemlidir! Önemli olan iktidarın iradesi doğrultusunda karar vererek iktidarın memnuniyetini sağlamak ve meslekte kalmaktır. Nitekim HRW tarafından yayınlanan raporda da, Türk hakim ve savcıları üzerindeki baskıya vurgu yapılmış, hakim ve savcıların “kendi iş güvenliklerinden endişe ettikleri” ifade edilmiştir .

Türkiye’nin, kendi tarihinde görülmedik şekilde, dünyada en çok gazetecinin hapiste olduğu ülke olması, cezaevlerinin insan hakları aktivistleri, milletvekilileri, akademisyenler, hakimler, savcılar, öğretmenler, işadamları, kadınlar ve 700 bebekle dolu olması yukarıda verilen grafiklerin uygulamaya yansıyan acı sonuçlarının sadece görünen yüzüdür.

KAYNAK:

[1]http://www.hsk.gov.tr/Eklentiler/Dosyalar/4a92e0cc-e94b-4912-aaf9-5dfc5b885e98.pdf

[2]http://www.ab.gov.tr/files/000files/2015/11/2015_turkiye_raporu.pdf s. 59

[3]http://www.ab.gov.tr/files/5%20Ekim/son__2016_ilerleme_raporu_tr.pdf s. 68

[4]http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/2-bin-745-hakim-ve-savci-icin-gozalti-karari-cikti-40149496; http://www.anayasa.gov.tr/icsayfalar/basin/kararlarailiskinbasinduyurulari/bireyselbasvuru/detay/pdf/2016-49158.pdf ; http://www.milliyet.com.tr/4-bin-251-hakim-ve-savci-ihrac-gundem-2484506/; https://twitter.com/HuseyinAygun62/status/798843161942470656; http://www.platformpj.org/judiciary-quashed-civilian-coup/ ; https://www.ahaber.com.tr/gundem/2017/05/29/7-bin-430-feto-suphelisi-tahliye-edildi

[5]http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/feto-zanlisi-savci-cezaevinde-olu-bulundu-40224765; http://www.bidoluhaber.tv/seyfettin-yigit-intihar-etmediolduruldu.html

[6]http://odatv.com/tutuklu-hakim-hayatini-kaybetti-0803171200.html

[7]http://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/turkiye/810869/Bilinci_kapanana_kadar_tahliye_edilmeyen_eski_Yargitay_uyesi_yasamini_yitirdi.html

[8]https://www.aydinlik.com.tr/politika/2017-nisan/iste-akp-li-vip-hakimler

[9] https://tr.sputniknews.com/columnists/201707051029146336-nuh-huseyin-kose-umarim-sira-bize-gelmez-demistim-geldi/

[10]http://aa.com.tr/tr/gunun-basliklari/adalet-bakani-bekir-bozdag-16-bin-yeni-personel-alimi-yapacagiz/690992

[11]http://odatv.com/bizi-liste-manyagi-yaptiniz-mehmet-agabey-0201171200.html

[12]https://www.hrw.org/tr/report/2017/10/12/310066

​REMARKABLE ISSUES IN EMERGENCY DECREES NO 695 AND 696 PUBLISHED ON 24 DECEMBER 2017

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1- 2766 more public officials were dismissed.

2- 16 new member to the Council of State and 100 new member to the Court of Cassation will be appointed. 17-year tenure requirement for the task is removed. Being transferred to first category judge + 3 years =13-year seniority will be required. (That is 12 year-seniority for those having master degrees).

(Paving the way for appointing a great number of junior judges to the court of appeals  that should be minimized as a result of the designation of the regional court of appeals is the aim for the government to overtake the absolute majority in high courts).

3- The regulation  that requires to wear prison jumpsuits for the convicts and suspects accused for the crimes against the constitutional order and terror crimes is incompatiple with the presumption of the innocence and aims to hurt them.

4- The civilians who fight against the coup, terror and the following incidents will be exempt from administrative, civil and criminal responsibility.

(The immunity will be granted for the paramilitary groups and the concept of “following incidents” in the decree law amounts that it is possible to consider all the protests against the government for an indefinite period in this context.)

​MUSTAFA ERDOGAN, JUSTICE AT COURT OF CASSATION, DIED UNDER PERSECUTION ON 22 AUGUST 2017

Member of Court of Cassation Mustafa Erdogan, arrested on coup related charges despite having a severe brain surgery and to be obliged to be held in hospital, was not set free till he had lost his consciousness despite many release requests and full-fledged hospital reports, what’s more, held under solitary confinement. After his death became apparent, he was released and he died 4 days after his release. (1)

Here is Buket Erdoğan’s letter, daughter of Mustafa Erdoğan, before he died:

First of all hi,

I am Buket Buket Erdoğan. I am a second year student at Ankara University Faculty of Law. I am studying law in the same school that my father, Mustafa Erdoğan a former Court of Cassation member, studied and graduated once, for being a legal expert like my father. I want to tell you what we have been living since 15th July.

Like everyone else on 15th July, we learned the coup attempt from television. When we were following the news that night, we would not dream of being thrown away from our home, and my father struggling for his life a few months later in a hospital room. On July 16th, we were alone with my brother at the time of our house being searched by the cops and not being able to find anything naturally. I always comforted him that we have nothing to hide. My father never hesitated to express the injustices. In the statement taken in the hospital after, he also emphasized the HCJP’s impartiality. The next day there was a court warrant about my father, but despite the fact that the emergcy state was not announced yet, they did not hesitate to take the members of the Court of Cassation violently and handcuffed them. My father did not surrender for his own sake, because of his health condition. Because we heard the conditions on which the arrested members of the Court of Cassation were held. After events, they wanted us to evacuate our house immediately because it was a public house. My mother and brothers moved to Antalya. I continued to stay at the Ankara because of my school. Our life went downhill in an unexpected moment. I was seperated from my family.

It was rather insignificant beside the troubles my mother experienced when she and my brothers moved to Antalya. My mother had moved from the house which we were staying, with a “your husband is a terrorist” label and got kicked out to somewhere else if i may say so. My brothers had to leave their schools of which they were fondly attending, and all our assets were frozen. Our address were always explicit. While our relatives houses were searched for, neither my mother’s house in Antalya nor my house in Ankara which i stayed with my friends were searched for.

My father was trying to guarantee our life, to support us and to pay attention to his health. There has been a great deal of uncertainty in our lives with the decision of seizure of our assets. We could not use our bank accounts and we could not use our investments that my father had accumulated for years. In this process, I tried to stand on my feet in Ankara and to give support and to give morale to them. Neither I norm y father have nothing to do with FETO. My father did not surrender because it was irregularities [in due process], not because he was guilty. My father did not hesitate to express the truth everywhere and at anytime. My father always gave importance to his work. Though he had headaches, he did not use permission from the work. And I learned from my dad, that the law did not exist for someone’s comfort. We (i and my brothers) even have grown up without using the court’s pencils so that not to be unjust. It was quite injurious to see what was unfair and how the law was disregarded, and taken under control. My father’s headaches increased considerably when my mother set their life in order, in Antalya. It was said that my father’s had a tumour in his brain and was in stage 3 and that he had to be operated as soon as possible. My father never talked about his condition, so that we should not worry about his health. And in this process the tumor spread vastly with stress. We were worried that if the surrender was done before the operation, treatment would fail in prison conditions. My father had his brain surgery in a private hospital. The longest waiting in my life. I never felt that fear of losing my father so close. When my father hospitalized, police arrived. My father was in intensive care. I was just thinking about his health, but in front of the intensive care gates, the cops were discussing how to arrest him. His left side paralyzed after surgery. I could age 5 years in 5 days when my father was in intensive care. If they would take him (arrest him) in this situation, we feared about him not recover, but we have no choice but to wait for what will happen to him. On 30 December 2016 my father was transferred to the detention room in the hematology department on the 8th floor of the faculty of medicine of the mediterranean university in the presence of the cops. But the arrest decision was not even reported to the dad. My father found himself in a small room that did not even have a window after surgery. The cops kept watching over and emphasized that a man with paralysis could escape. Even when we received information from the doctors, police did not leave us. In fact this arrest was made not just for my father but for my whole family.

My father was accompanied by my mother at that moment and there was not even a bed to sleep. My father did not even see the sky after the day he entered the ward. Even his children were not allowed to visit. Although I was his daughter, I could not allow permission to stay in the companion. In my father’s room, there are twice as much bars. I always thought that how could doctors overcome these barriers and intervene in an emergency situation. A cancer patient needs a morale in the process of healing, but this kind of treatment will make even a healty person sick. The disease did not upturn because my father’s treatment hindered. As a matter of fact nowadays he has loss of consciousness and hallucinations.

Even if  my dad transferred in that room on December 30th, his statement was not taken until the month of February. After the statement taken on 1 February, it was decided to be pending trial on 2 February because there was a life threatening condition. We breathed a sigh of relief but after a full day without giving the breath we had, the prosecutor objected the decision. My father did see out of the window for the first time after surgery. He was only taken to normal service for 1 day. However, when the objection was accepted, he went back to the prisoner’s ward again. I learned that the prosecutor who made the objection and the judge who accepted it were also married.

It was a very ironic situation, we did not expect that the lawlessness would be so advanced. Since my father was paralyzed, and he laid down constantly, the doctor asked for a air bearing pad in order to prevent his body. This was also expressed in the report, but it was not allowed because it categorised as the technological device category. They wanted a new medical report. This detail is quite insignificant besides the unjust treatment we experienced, but the attitude we saw was this. I did not see my father after the arrest. They have not given permission. A person who even was not convicted had not allowed to see his children. I learned yesterday that the objections of our lawyers to the constitutional court were rejected. There is still a precautionary decision on our property right now. My father is fighting for his life in a cell. Doctors say he will probably live for another 2 years at his best. Despite he is not guilty how is it legally proper to pass his last times in this situation ? How will they give us the time we lost when it turns out that he is innocent ? I just wanted to tell you. Even if they do not understand. Because it is hard to comprehend unless you experience, and it is very difficult to accept. Buket Beyza ERDOĞAN (2)

Sources:

1. http://www.cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/turkiye/810869/Bilinci_kapanana_kadar_tahliye_edilmeyen_eski_Yargitay_uyesi_yasamini_yitirdi.html

2. http://tsjustice.info/wordpress/2017/05/16/letter-daughter-mustafa-erdogan-arrested-member-supreme-court-appeal-cancer-patient-well/?fdx_switcher=true

Judge couple sentenced to 6 years 3 months in prison on 20 December 2017

Dismissed judge of Corum Ömer Faruk Kurşun, held arrested in Bolu Prison, attended the hearing held in  a Samsun 3rd Heavy Penal Court in a way of SEGBIS (sound and video information system). His wife Fatma Kurşun, pending a trial, and her lawyer also appeared in the court. The couple requested their release in their defence asserting that they were innocent.

The panel of judge sentenced the defendant couple to 6 years and 3 months imprisonment for “being a member of armed terrorist organisation”.

Bearing in mind the period of detention, the panel of judge released defendant O. Kursun.

Source:

http://aa.com.tr/tr/turkiye/eski-hakim-cifte-fetoden-hapis-cezasi/1010091

A MESSAGE BY PROSECUTOR Y. KACAR WHO WAS RELEASED AFTER 490 DAYS DETENTION 

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Dear friends,
My imprisonment lasting nearly one and a half year ended up at last. 16 months.. 490 days.. 7 seasons…passing between four walls. Time hangs heavy on hands and too numerous minutes to be counted.. I was released at  my first hearing on December 14. However, I could not get over the shock despite almost one week’s passed. I can not take my phone in my hand and search on the web, also not in the mood for following the news. I feel like only to talk with my beloved ones till the wake and to learn what was going on in my absence. Of course I am happy for reuniting with my wife and my children but I feel sad for my years dying away. I am angry with my pains I had suffered in the prison. Furthermore, I left many persons behind me about whom I believed innocent. Happiness and sadness.. two in one.. For now, I only  wanted to inform you about the goings-on and also share my feelings with you. Thanks so much to all and my family supporting me in all way  during this process…

Source:
https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=10155978782799894&id=541999893&_rdr

​MEDEL DECLARATION ON DEATH OF JUDGE MEHMET TOSUN  ON 11 MARCH 2017

 After prosecutor SeyfettinYigit who allegedly committed suicide and died in prison, another Turkish Judge passed away after being purged. We mourn for our colleague Mehmet Tosun (29) who passed away on March 6th 2017.

Like many other judges, he was dismissed and detained under severe conditions after the attempted coup with no evidence and solid reason. Although he spent his last months at hospital due to his heavy health problems, he was deprived of even his assets and personal savings, access to his personal bank accounts which were crucial for his medical treatment which obviously costed enormous amount of money for a dismissed person with no social security.

He was a rapporteur judge at the Council of State of Turkey.

He suffered from an autoimmune illness. According to his lawyer, Hüseyin Aygün, Mehmet Tosun was mistreated in jail and his state of health deteriorated.

MEDEL deeply regrets that the Turkish government dismisses and detains thousands of Turkish judges and prosecutors without fair trial, without formal accusation and without any disclosed evidence, if they criticize it and uphold their right of free speech. Many of them are being kept under solitary confinement arbitrarily and on purpose, without any objective reason. It seems this is becoming a common practice based on some kind of hidden and unlawful instructions which have no documented ground.

From among all other professions, since there are specific laws  and regulations regarding the prosecution,judges and prosecutors are the ones who are subject to most illegal implementation of detention and arrest procedures, due to explicit ignorance and violation of these laws.

As stated by reports of the Venice Commission of the Council of Europe, there are no specific accusations about thousands of judges and prosecutors based on facts. Instead, they are purged and jailed only on abstract and groundless reasons like being affiliated to an armed terror organisation.

Although more than 1/4 of the members of judiciary (around 4000) has been purged and approximately 3000 of them are arrested for almost 8 months, there’s still not even one indictment about any of these judges and prosecutors.

We resolve that Turkey has ceased to be in a state of the Rule of law. Whoever stays silent to that makes him/herself complicit. And whoever denies the facts, even more.

Furthermore, MEDEL is concerned about the state of health of the colleagues from MEDEL’s member association YARSAV, who are detained since month under terrible conditions. We call on the Turkish authorities to stop the State of  emergency, to give the defence lawyers regular unlimited access  to their clients, and to give to the families and to the international organisations more often the opportunity to visit them in  prison.

MEDEL also calls on Committee to Prevent Torture (CPT) and relevant bodies of the UN to oversight the situation and prevent arbitrary treatments as well as torture against,inter alia, judges and prosecutors in Turkish prisons.

Adopted following the deliberation of  the Council of Administration of MEDEL in Palma de Mallorca Spain, 11Th March, 2017.

Source:

http://medelnet.eu

JUDGE TURAN AÇIKMEŞE IS SENTENCED TO 6 YEARS AND 3 MONTHS IN JAIL

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Arrested judge Turan Açıkmeşe was sentenced to 6 years and 3 months in jail for allegedly being member of armed terrorist organisation over post coup charges. His wife judge Fatma Açıkmeşe was acquitted for the same accusation.
Mr. Açıkmeşe denied accusation, asked for his acquittal and release. Court released but convicted him and sentenced. He will be put in prison again if appeal courts uphold the first instance court conviction.

Source: http://www.hurriyet.com.tr/feto-davasinda-hakime-6-yil-3-ay-hapis-meslekt-40682208